Ningkan - Sarawak Nationalist 砂拉越的民族主义者宁甘

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1966年9月7日,首席大法官哈利宣判聯邦政府的行動是違憲的,拿督斯蒂芬卡隆寧甘被恢復為沙撈越首席部長。各地的馬來西亞人對高等法院的調查結果感到高興。這是民主的勝利,是憲法和法治的勝利。然而,這些希望,願望和對法治的自豪感在他們浮出水面時迅速消失一周後,1966年9月15日,沙撈越被联邦宣布緊急狀態,隨後於9月19日召開特別議會會議,討論沙撈越問題。會議的目的是修改砂拉越憲法,賦予州長權力召集內阁里理事會(立法議會)和酌情決定解除首席部長

 

 
 
 
 
The manipulation engineered by the Kuala Lumpur alliance government in ousting Datuk Stephen kalong Ningkan of Sarawak. In less than three years, the young nation of Malaysia was heading towards disaster, Singapore was expelled from Malaysia in August 1965 and it appeared that a year later, Sarawak under Datuk Stephen kalong Ningkan was considered intolerable. The Kuala Lumpur government amended the constitution and invoked emergency powers to oust Datuk Stephen Kalong Ningkan as the state’s chief minister on 16th June 1966.
 
Datuk Stephen kalong Ningkan was entangled in a cloak and dagger battle with Taib Mahmud, a young over-ambitious politician, impatient to make his presence felt over a wider audience. Taib Mahmud at the time of writing is the federal minister of primary industries. Like his counterpart in Sabah, Datuk Ningkan also began to question the wisdom of Sarawak’s entry into Malaysia. Those were sensitive issues to the Kuala Lumpur government who when fed with fabricated versions of Ningkan’s maneuvers, were quick to react. Ningkan was a thorn in their side and had to be replaced.
 
Kalong Ningkan was dismissed as Chief Minister, not by a vote of no-confidence in the legislative assembly but by the governor on the instruction of the federal government. The entire nation viewed the incident with indignation, unable to accept how the federal government could resort to such unconstitutional tactics. Datuk Ningkan was convinced that he was an innocent victim of blind justice. He filed a case in the high court, seeking a declaration, whether the action of the federal authorities was ultra vires to the constitution federal authorities was ultra vires to the constitution and also to reinstate him as the chief minister of Sarawak.
 
On 7th September 1966, Chief Justice Harley handed down his judgments. The action of the federal government was unconstitutional and Datuk Stephen Kalong Ningkan was reinstated as Sarawak’s Chief Minister. Malaysians everywhere rejoiced at the findings of the high court. It was a victory for democracy, a victory for the constitution and rule of law.it was the general feeling, that if in other spheres it was impossible to challenge the federal authorities the people could seek redress in the courts.
 
Those hopes, aspirations and sense of pride in the rule of law, evaporated as fast as they had surfaced. A week later on 15th September 1966, an emergency was declared in Sarawak, followed by a special parliamentary session on the 19th September to debate the Sarawak problem. The purpose of the meeting was to amend the Sarawak constitution giving the governor powers to convene the council Negeri (Legislative Assembly) and the discretion to dismiss the chief minister.
 
The amendments were passed and on the 23rd September 1966, the Council Negeri met. The following day, 24th September 1966, a motion of no confidence in Datuk Stephen kalong Ningkan was introduced. The motion was supported by the majority and Datuk Ningkan was once again ousted as Sarawak’s Chief Minister. It was another blow to the voice of dissent and besmirched all that democracy stood for.
 
While those deplorable episodes were being unfolded in Sarawak, Tun Fuad, who was compelled to resign as president of UPKO, was abroad. Peter Mojuntin and others stayed behind to continue the struggle. They could only gasp in horror and disbelief at what happening in Sarawak. Peter, because of his close association with Kalong Ningkan and Datuk James Wong, both from the Sarawak National Party (SNAP) made regular trips to Kuching in order to understand the problems. On returning to Sabah, he briefed other members of UPKO.
 
Commenting on the dismissal of Datuk Ningkan, Peter said that such a happening in a neighboring state indicated that “we are being forced to accept Malaysia as a unitary state and not a federation”.
 
“The political tangle in Sarawak was a domestic affair for the Sarawak alliance which could have been settled in Sarawak. It was worrying that issues had been settled in Kuala Lumpur. Datuk Ningkan who was elected to office by the people had been condemned .Everything his accusers say has been taken as the truth”.
 
“These naturally increase our fears and make me feel there should be a reiteration on the part of the alliance government that the federal system of government, for which we have opted, is not slowly being whittled away and being replaced by a unitary state where there is absolute control from the Centre”.
 
“Any indication that we are on the march towards a unitary state can only make the people feel that they are losing all say in the affairs of their own state”.
 
“Independence brought responsibilities and other public requirements in its wake but the actions of corrupted politicians marred its priorities. And when priorities are mangled and reversed, the general public through compelled to shoulder additional demands, do not end up as the benefactors. Those in power can only remain in power by deploying guile and deception. Lies and half-truths are rammed down the gullets of the electorate, fear is the instrument used to neutralize the opposition and money utilized to win loyalty”.
 
 
拿督斯蒂芬卡隆寧甘 - 砂撈越民族主義者
 

由吉隆坡聯盟政府設計的驅逐沙撈越的Datuk Stephen kalong Ningkan的操縱。在不到三年的時間裡,這個年輕的馬來西亞國家正在走向災難,新加坡於1965年8月被驅逐出馬來西亞,一年之後,在拿督斯蒂芬卡隆寧甘的沙撈越被認為是無法忍受的。吉隆坡政府修改憲法,並援引緊急權力,將拿督斯蒂芬卡隆寧甘於1966年6月16日解除其首席部長职务。
 
Datuk Stephen kalong Ningkan 與 一位年輕的過於雄心勃勃的政治家Taib Mahmud糾纏在斗篷和匕首之中,不耐煩地讓他的存在感受到更廣泛的觀眾。撰寫本文時,Taib Mahmud是聯邦原產業部長。與他在沙巴的同行一樣,拿督寧甘也開始質疑沙撈越進入馬來西亞是否是一件智慧的事。對吉隆坡政府來說,這些都是敏感的問題,  Ningkan是他們身邊的一根刺,不得不被替換。
 
Kalong Ningkan被解僱首席部長了,不是通過對立法議會的不信任投票,而是由州長根據聯邦政府的指示投票。整個國家都憤怒地看待這一事件,無法接受聯邦政府採取這種違憲的策略。 Datuk Ningkan確信他是联邦漠视正義的無辜受害者。他向高等法院提起訴訟,尋求判决聯邦當局的行動是否超越憲法,聯邦當局是否越過憲法,並恢復他作為沙撈越的首席部長。
 
1966年9月7日,首席大法官哈利宣布了他的判決:聯邦政府的行動是違憲的,拿督斯蒂芬卡隆寧甘被恢復為沙撈越首席部長。各地的馬來西亞人對高等法院的調查結果感到高興。這是民主的勝利,是憲法和法治的勝利。一般的感覺是,如果在其他領域不可能挑戰聯邦當局,人民可以在法庭上尋求補救。
 
然而,這些希望,願望和對法治的自豪感在他們浮出水面時迅速消失。一周後,1966年9月15日,沙撈越被联邦宣布緊急狀態,隨後於9月19日召開特別議會會議,討論沙撈越問題。會議的目的是修改砂拉越憲法,賦予州長權力召集內阁里理事會(立法議會)和酌情決定解除首席部長。
 
修正案獲得通過,並於1966年9月23日,内阁議會開會。第二天,即1966年9月24日,一項對拿督斯蒂芬卡隆寧甘不信任的動議被引入。大多數人支持這項議案,而砂拉越首席部长拿督寧甘再次被趕下台。這是民主被玷污的另一個重擊。
 
雖然沙撈越正在展開那些令人遺憾的事件,但被迫辭去UPKO總裁職務的Tun Fuad卻出國了。 Peter Mojuntin和其他人留下來繼續奮鬥。他們只能對砂拉越發生的事情感到恐懼和難以置信。彼得,因為他與來自砂拉越國民黨(SNAP)的Kalong Ningkan和拿督James Wong的密切關係,定期前往古晉,以了解問題。回到沙巴後,他向UPKO的其他成員介紹了情況。
 
在談到解僱拿督寧甘時,彼得說鄰近州發生的這種情況表明“我們被迫接受馬來西亞作為一個强行一統的國家,而不是一個聯邦”。
 
沙撈越的政治糾結是沙撈越聯盟的國內事務,本可以在沙撈越自己解决。但是令人擔憂的是吉隆坡已經插手压制。被人民推举当選的拿督寧甘竟然被联邦譴責。而他的控告者所說的一切都被視為真理“。
 
“這些自然會增加我們的擔憂,讓我覺得聯盟政府應該重申,我們選擇的聯邦政府制度並沒有慢慢被削減,而是被一個統一的國家所取代。是中央的絕對控制“。
 
“许多跡象表明我們正走向一個强制一統的國家,只能讓人們感到他們在自己的國家事務中失去了所有的發言權”。
 
 

 
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